Anthro 500b, Part 4: American Revisions

 

Session notes for

North American anthropology in the aftermath of Boas:

(Re)configurations, from cultural pattern to cultural psychology

 

 

I.  Introduction: Franz Boas and the American Historical School

 

II.   Alfred Kroeber, Robert Lowie, Edward Sapir: culture, the individual, and the superorganic

 

III.   Culture as "personality writ large": Ruth Benedict and Abraham Kardiner

 

IV.   Margaret Mead: public voice of the discipline

 

V.  Mead, Boas, and the trajectories of American anthropology

 

VI.   Defrocking a saint: the Margaret Mead-Derek Freeman controversy

 

 

I. Introduction:

 Franz Boas and the American Historical Tradition

 

Boas insisted human diversity is cultural and historical, not biological and racial—i.e., biology is a constant.  He renounced the evolutionists' method of comparison and substituted his own method of "controlled comparison."  His configurational concept of culture was unitary and integrative—and for him and his "people," the Pacific Northwest Coast groups, largely reconstructed.  However, his culture concept was not seamlessly bounded and entirely consistent.

 

One of Boas's major aims was "to reconstruct the histories of cultures which have left no written records" [which for Boas required using archeology, careful field work, and mapped geographical distributions].  However, Honigmann argues that this was for him a way towards a more ultimate Enlightenment goal of discovering the processes and causes of culture change and of understanding how culture mediates peoples' relationships with nature, with themselves and with each other.  "By discovering the dynamic factors operating in the histories of particular cultures, and then comparing the histories, general laws governing culture history may be found."

 

Boas was made himself and his Department at Columbia University, a more dominant single center for a much longer time than Malinowski, R-B, or E-P, or their institutions in Britain.  He trained the vast majority of American anthropologists for two decades, including Alfred Kroeber, Alexander Goldenweiser, Edward Sapir, Elsie Clews Parsons, Robert Lowie, Ruth Benedict, and Margaret Mead, and these students began training a third generation.

 

However, the history of this Boasian "American Historical Tradition" was marked by several trends:

 

A. Among Boasians, there was a growing skepticism of finding any such laws of historical development beyond the vague.  Unpredictable inventions and unusual individuals were too common in the histories.  Only Alexander Lesser continued to hold to a deductive methodology.

 

B. Still, most of them retained an interest in refining a vocabulary for culture and in characterizing the nature of coherence and patterning that was central to Boas's concept.

 

C. Finally, a number of his students expressed an increasing interest in the individual, in relations between individuals and culture, and in psychological processes.  This reflected a shift from long-term historical developments to a concern with more delimited cultural processes like acculturation (in situations of culture contact).  It also reflected the intellectual tenor of the period and the alienation felt by a number of Boasians towards their own culture.

 

The reading I have selected for this session is Mead's Coming of Age in Samoa, and I want to put it in the context of her long and influential career—and to put her in the context of several cohorts of rather illustrious Boasians.

 

II. Kroeber, Lowie, Sapir:

Culture, the individual, and the superorganic

 

NB: review the section in Eriksen and Hansen for some comments on Kroeber and Lowie and the culture-as-superorganic debates.  See also the following for commentary on the interwar years in US anthropology (full references on web page):

 

Robert F. Murphy "A Quarter of a Century of the American Anthropologist"

George W. Stocking, "Ideas and Institutions in American Anthropology: Thoughts Towards a History of the Interwar Years"

George W. Stocking, "The Ethnographic Sensibility of the 1920s and the Dualism of the Anthropological Tradition"

John S. Gilkeson, Jr., "The Domestication of 'Culture" in Interwar America, 1919-1941"

 

Prominent among Boas's students were the following:

 

Alfred Lewis Kroeber (1876-1960) was born to German-American parents in Hoboken, New Jersey.  He entered Columbia at the age of sixteen and majored in English, taking a M.A. in literature, which gave his later work in anthropology a strongly humanistic bent.  He took a seminar on North American Indian languages from Boas soon after the latter's appointment, and became Boas's first doctoral student at Columbia.  His 1901 Ph.D. dissertation was only 28 pages long, and when he finished, Boas dispatched him to Berkeley to establish a department there.  He presided over it and California anthropology for five decades, retiring in 1946.  By his 60th birthday in 1936, his bibliography was some 306 works, but in the next quarter of a century it grew to 532 publications.

 

His lifelong research priority was the "salvage ethnography" of the native peoples of California,  His monumental work was the 1925 Handbook of the Indians of California, a thousand-page exhaustive summary of all California groups—every single one of which Kroeber himself had investigated.  His salvage ethnography led him to a research strategy which came to be known as the "culture element distribution list" (recall, by comparison, the British Notes and Queries in Anthropology).  These were developed into check lists for surveying groups, eventually including between 3,000 and 6,000 separate items.  They were then plotted in space to show diffusions and concentrations.

 

At the other end of abstraction, however, Kroeber was interested in the "style" and "pattern" and "configurations" of entire cultures.  That is, Kroeber, even more than Boas, wanted to show how the elements of any culture form patterns, by which he meant setting aside factors arising from biology and history, and concentrating on the internal links within the culture.  He formulated such notions as a culture's "intensity" (its level of creative activity) and "climax" (the focal center of a culture).  [Indeed, his particularistic and abstract poles were connected through such concepts--e.g., climax could be determined by plotting the distribution of cultural elements.]  Kroeber did believe that culture was a product of history: "the accumulation of countless innovations made by many successive generations... Item, element, trait, trait-complex, form, style, and pattern are the concepts they used at the basic level" (Honigmann, 200).  Pattern, especially, was a guiding concept, used in both a structural and processual sense.  [This was pushed even more broadly in the notion of configuration, e.g., by Benedict]

 

Kroeber is particular known for formulating a notion of culture as "superorganic."  In part, this was a turf-war tactic—carving out a space for anthropological theorizing beyond and "above" biology and psychology.  His early and succinct statement was in his 1917 American Anthropologist article on "The Superorganic."

 

Robert Lowie (1883-1957) was the second Boas student to receive his doctoral degree (in 1907).  He worked at the American Museum of Natural History for ten years, during which time he did extensive fieldwork on Plains and Great Basin Indians; after a short return to Columbia, he moved to the UC-Berkeley department for the rest of his career.  He was an articulate and ardent proponent of Boasian anthropology, and his book on Primitive Society (1920) was a highly critical attack on Lewis Henry Morgan and evolutionist perspectives.

 

Alexander Goldenweiser: taught at the New School and introduced anthropology to large numbers of business executives, office workers, and housewives (including Ruth Benedict)

 

Clark Wissler, another of Boas's students, came to occupy a key position on the staff of the National Research Council at a time (check) when foundation support for the social sciences exploded: from $200,000 in 1921 to $7.8 million in 1927.  He helped promoted anthropology's culture concept into other social sciences, especially history and sociology (see Gilkeson).

 

Wissler was also important for his elaboration of the culture area concept, which reflected the Boasian tenet that cultures were rooted in natural settings and that this insight could be used to discern geographical-cultural regions of cultures.  Wissler described the "horse complex" for the Plains Indians, a regional combination of tipi, travois, buffalo hunting, mounted warfare, and the Sun Dance.  Later Melville Herskovits was to apply it to Sub-Saharan Africa.

 

Edward Sapir (1884-1939) was the most prominent of Boas's students to follow his highly innovative focus on language, which Boas treated as far more central to culture analysis than other anthropologists, including Malinowski.  Language and linguistic patterns were taken to be patterned and revealing not of natural categories but of cultural categories (recall Boas's plan for study of North American Indian languages).

 

Sapir was born to a Jewish family in Prussia in 1889 and came to the US at age five.  He graduated from Columbia when he was twenty.  Even as an undergraduate, his interest in language and literature had led him to Boas's course on Native American languages.  He immediately began doctoral studies with Boas.  On finishing in 1909, he went to Kroeber's shop at Berkeley for a year, then to University of Pennsylvania.  He then spent fifteen years with the National Geological Survey of Canada (1910-1925), a period of extensive field research and literary writing but intellectual isolation.  In 1925, he was given a position at the University of Chicago (one of his students was Robert Redfield), and in 1931, he joined the newly reorganized department at Yale, where he began work immediately with Benjamin Whorf.  Review the Regna Darnell article for more on Sapir, including his time here at Yale. He died at the age of 54 in 1939 (Whorf died several years later at the age of 44).

 

Sapir was also critical of Kroeber's superorganic concept and he developed a theme of the individual in and of society. He was fascinated, for instance, by James Dorsey's account of the contrarian Omaha Indian, Two Crows, whom Dorsey quoted as often dissenting from various conventional Omaha beliefs ("Two Crows denies it");  Sapir used this case to speculate on the meaning of dissent and heterodoxy in and as culture in a 1938 article on "Why the Cultural Anthropologist Needs the Psychiatrist."

 

Thirdly, Sapir was also thinking at level of culture, most famously in his romantically tinged essay on "Culture, Genuine and Spurious."  This was a subtle meditation on culture and a forceful critique of contemporary North American society (we were not genuine, "harmonious, balanced, self-satisfying":  An "Indian's salmon spearing was a culturally higher type of activity than that of a telephone girl or mill hand.").  George Stocking calls it "a foundational document for the ethnographic sensibility of the 1920s" (1992:289)—that is, for the Apollonian trio of Benedict, Mead, and Redfield.

 

 

III. Culture as "personality writ large":

Ruth Benedict and Abraham Kardiner

 

NB: see Stocking's discussion of Benedict in 1992:292-301 as part of his characterization of the Apollonian sensibilities of 1920s ethnography.

 

Even among the cohort of brilliant students around Boas, Ruth Fulton Benedict (1887-1949) occupied a special place.  In 1905, she had entered Vassar, a preeminent women's college, where she studied poetry and literature and was especially fond of Nietzsche.  In 1914 she married Stanley Benedict.  This proved an unsatisfying union, and as a thirty-one-year-old housewife, she enrolled at the New School for Social Research, where she was introduced to anthropology by Elsie Clews Parsons (who taught a popular course on "Sex in Ethnology") and by Boas's student, Goldenweiser.  She was taken uptown and introduced to Boas by Parsons in 1921.  She turned to anthropology fulltime (she later claimed) when she realized she couldn't have children.  She tried to keep up her marriage and was a dutiful wife, but gradually agreed to separate from her husband Stanley.  Boas waived credit requirements for her, and she took her Ph.D. in three semesters in 1923 at the age of 36.  She had begun teaching with and for Boas even before receiving her degree, and became indispensable to him and the department.  When her divorce was formalized in 1930, Boas got her appointment at Columbia converted to a regular tenure-track position.  Sadly, when Boas retired in 1937, Columbia would not consider a woman as department chair, and Ralph Linton was brought in.  Linton had been turned away by Boas as a student, and had gone to Harvard to get his degree.  He and Benedict (and other Boasians) had a very strained relationship.  Linton, a difficult person and a large ego, probably did try to marginalize Benedict.  Her position did not improve until 1944, when Linton left for Yale.  She was a longtime assistant professor, even as department chair.  She wasn't even made full professor until 1946, and died in 1948.

 

It was Benedict who put pattern and personality together, most famously in her Patterns of Culture, which was conceived while doing fieldwork in 1927 among the Pima in the American Southwest, who seemed to have very different emphasis than the adjacent Pueblo cultures.  The book contrasted the style and ethos of the ceremonious, dignified, and gentle Pueblo peoples (Hopi and Zuni), the suspicious, treacherous, and prudish Dobu Islanders, and the prestige-driven, conspicuously-competitive, and "megalomaniac paranoid" Kwakiutl.  The core lessons were the causal primacy of culture and the claim that "cultures are more than the sum of their traits."  Benedict was influenced by gestalt theory to capture a society's existential values as integrated in and by its personality configuration

 

"A culture, like an individual, is a more or less consistent pattern of thought and action.  Within each culture, there come into being characteristic purposes not necessarily shared by other types of society.  In obedience to these purposes, each people further and further consolidates its experience, and in proportion to the urgency of these drives the heterogeneous items of behavior take more and more congruous shape." Benedict (1934:53)

 

This was not unlike Alfred Kroeber, who was later to write:

 

"Within any one civilization, the various styles constituting its value component not only coexist in the same society, region, and period;  they also tend toward a certain consistency among themselves... This assumption seems validated by the simple consideration that consistent and coherent civilizations would on the average work out better and get farther, and presumably survive better, than inconsistent ones dragging on under malfunctions and strain." (1951:621)

 

Patterns of Culture was an immensely popular and influential book, taking patterns beyond Kroeber and Wissler.  It was also a sharp critique of US culture.

 

Abraham Kardiner (1891-1981) was not a Boas student, but a psychoanalyst who had studied with Freud but came to think that Freud's model of the psyche was too ethno-centric.  He assembled a group of anthropologists at Columbia in 1930s that included Benedict, Ralph Linton, Cora DuBois, Ruth Bunzel, and Clyde Kluckhohn, to develop a cross-cultural "psychodynamic" that he called psychological anthropology.  He formulated this on the basis of three related concepts.  Primary institutions were those like forms of feeding, sleeping, and weaning of infants that were constituent of child rearing.  Secondary institutions were the broader structures of society, like schools, political organization, and economic production.  Basic personality structures were formed in and by early primary institutions and this basic modal personality was "projected" on to the secondary institutions of the society.  The effect was that their shape and tenor then reinforced the basic personality of the individuals who passed through them.  See Manson 1986 on Kardiner

 

This psychodynamic approach was not unlike structural-functionalism in seeking those elements of society that gave coherence and integration.  The difference was that structural-functionalism looked for institutions (organized rule-governed activity with hierarchy of personnel), while psychological anthropology attended to enculturation as the process of becoming competent in one's culture. [NOTE that they meant by this more than socialization, which referred more narrowly to early childhood).  See Cora DuBois's ethnography of The People of Alur (1944) as the best example of the Kardiner approach.  However, the approach also underpinned the wartime efforts of anthropologists to analyze enemy "cultures at a distance" and produce studies of national character.  Some had enduring, if mixed, value, like Ruth Benedict's study of Japan, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (published in 1946).  Worse, though, were such polemics as Geoffrey Gorer's characterizations of Japan as "obsessive-compulsive" because of premature toilet training and of Russia as "manic-depressive" because of prolonged infant swaddling (see Erickson 1998:83).

 

There had been precedents in relating culture and personality, including Freud's Totem and Taboo (1913), whose claims of universality Malinowski had attacked in his argument that a boy's hostility in the Trobriands was to his mother's brother, not to his father.  Then in the 1920, Sapir had argued for the importance of the unconscious patterning of behavior and the role of the individual in transmitting behavior across generations.

 

 

IV. Margaret Mead: public voice of the discipline

 

We have talked about Boas as a public intellectual, and his impassioned attacks on evolutionary thinking, racist policies, eugenics, immigration laws, and war—in the name of and in terms of anthropology.  This was in fact a sense of obligation that he passed on to many of his best students.  Many of them were active in national and metropolitan progressive politics and public commentary, writing for such intellectual weeklies as The New Republic, The Nation, Dial, and The American Mercury.  They were proselytizing "culture" and speaking out against racism, eugenics, anti-immigration legislation, Fascism, and other national and world problems.  Their actions had enormous effect—on other social scientists (note sociology), on the public, and on intellectuals generally (cf. Warren Susman and "Americanism" of the 20s and 30s)

 

But of all of them, none had greater effect than Margaret Mead (1901-1978).  Margaret Mead was the best-known American anthropologist in the country for fifty years, from the late 1920s through the late 1970s, a popularity that is hard for younger people today to appreciate.  The "Strangers Abroad" video provides an informative account of Mead's life and of the place of her more important writings in its course. [Note, though, that it presents little of her US career, but rather is organized around her field trips, from the eight months she spent in Samoa in 1925 through the postwar trips to Manus.]  Coming of Age in Samoa was her first book, written in her twenties, and perhaps her most influential.  It is most likely the best-selling and most widely-read anthropology ever.  Mead was a prolific writer and constant public speaker in a broad range of forums.  She wrote for all major academic journals and for the popular press (e.g., Mademoiselle, Parents Magazine, and Redbook Magazine).  She testified before Congress on many occasions and was also a frequent guest on television and radio.  Her 1976 bibliography lists over 1400 published works.  More than Boas or any other anthropologist of this century, she was a public intellectual, always pressing her anthropological views and using her insight to advocate social change.

 

In Redbook Magazine, for instance, she wrote a monthly column in the last two decades of her life that answered readers' queries: on school prayers, telepathy, happiness, John Paul Sartre, school busing, why people like to have their hair stand on end. Is housework easier than it was fifty years ago?  Is Shakespeare really Shakespeare?  What is the fatal fascination of baseball?

 

Mead was born in 1901 in upper-middle class professional family.  Her father was a U Penn business school professor, and her mother was active in suffrage and civil rights movements.  She transferred from DePauw University to Barnard College in 1920, where she majored in English and psychology.  She took Boas's anthropology course in the fall semester of her senior year and, impressed, she enrolled in other anthropology courses.  She was especially taken by his Teaching Assistant, Ruth Benedict, fourteen years her senior, with whom she quickly developed an intense, lasting friendship (and brief affair).  It was Benedict who encouraged her to enter anthropology and who became her mentor and an advocate as well as teacher and confidante.

 

On graduating from Barnard, she married Luther Cressman, to whom she had been engaged since sixteen and who became archeologist, and she entered Boas's doctoral program.  Her Ph.D. dissertation was on a library topic assigned by Boas on Polynesian material culture.  [Jane Howard, on page 64 of her biography, describes the three-minute interview with Boas that settled her Ph.D. topic!]

 

But she was anxious to get to the field, and persuaded Boas to support her funding to go to the Pacific; Judith Modell, on page 149 of her biography, describes her 1925 field trip to Samoa.  Boas had given her only thirty-minutes of instruction on doing fieldwork, the main point of which was that she should stick to her problem and not waste time "studying the culture as a whole."

 

In total, between 1925 and 1939, she made five field trips to the Pacific that cumulatively, gave Mead her central theme: "that specific child-rearing practices shape personalities that in turn give specific societies their essential natures" (Moore 1996:104).

 

1. Samoa: 1925-6, eight months.  A detailed study of 68 girls between the ages of 8 and 20 in three near contiguous villages on the west coast of the island of Ta'u, the largest of the three islands that compose the Manu'a group, easternmost in American Samoa.

 

On her return to the US, during the long Western voyage via Europe, she met a young New Zealander, Reo Fortune, who was going to study anthropology with Malinowski.  After a winter with Cressman and a month in German with Fortune the next summer, she demanded a divorce from the former to marry the latter.

 

2. Manus: 1928, six months with Reo Fortune.  Together, they studied the settlement of Pare (Pari); as the documentary video shows, she collected 35,000 children's drawings to explore their mind and imagination--another of her methodological innovations.  She was interested here in cultural transmission and to what extent younger generation had an open-ended human nature to develop in any direction.  She wrote up the research as Growing Up in New Guinea

 

3. a brief investigation among the Omaha Indians in the summer of 1930, which was the only fieldwork she ever did in North America.

 

4. Sepik River: 1931-1933, with Reo Fortune, among Arapesh, Mundugumor, and Chambri.  Here she took on another fundamental question, how gender "temperament" ("the social personalities of the two sexes") was conditioned.  Her strategy was to compare attitudes and practices among three distinct groups, living within one hundred miles of each other in the Middle Sepik River:  the "gentle mountain-dwelling Arapesh, the fierce cannibalistic Mundugumor, and the graceful headhunters of Tchambuli." (ix). 

 

a. Both men and women of the Arapesh were kind and gentle, given to helping others.  "They have surrounded with delight that part of parenthood which we consider to be specially maternal, the minute, loving care for the little child and the selfless delight in that child's progress towards maturity." (134)  Mead claims that parenting is so evenly divided that if someone comments about how good-looking a middle-age man is, someone else is apt to reply: "good looking? Y-e-s?  But you should have seen him before he bore all those children!" (39)

 

b. Mundugumor are quite different, believing in a "natural hostility" between members of the same sex.  The child is born into a hostile world of warring fathers and son, mothers and daughters.  The child must become violent and protective of his/her own interests.  The corollary is that women have no temperament different from men.  "They are believed to be just as violent, just as aggressive, just as jealous.  They simply are not quite as strong physically, although a woman can put up a very good fight and a husband who wishes to beat his wife takes care to arm himself with a crocodile jaw and to be sure that she is not armed" (210).

 

c. The Tchambuli presented yet a third variant of gendered temperament:  "As the Arapesh made growing food and children the greatest adventure of their lives, and the Mundugumor found greatest satisfaction in fighting and competitive acquisition of women, the Tchambuli may be said to live principally for art.  Every man is an artist and most men are skilled not in some one art alone, but in many: in dancing, carving, plaiting, painting, and so on.  Each man is chiefly concerned with his role upon the stage of his society with the elaboration of his costume, the beauty of the masks that he owns, the skill of his own flute-playing, the finish and élan of his ceremonies, and upon other people's recognition and valuation of his performance" (245).  And while the Tchambuli men are preoccupied with art, women held the real power, controlling fishing and the most important manufactures, looking on their menfolk "with kindly tolerance and appreciation" (255).

 

She wrote up her study as Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (1935). Note that she was not only prolific and popular, but also always on schedule.  She wrote quickly and gracefully.  One can imagine the impact on American readers, who held as an article of faith certain characteristics of gender personality to be as natural and inevitable as the stress of adolescence.

 

5. Bali: 1936-1938 and 1939 (with a trip to the Iatmul in 1938).  Mead met Gregory Bateson on her Sepik trip and soon divorced Fortune and married Bateson.  With her new husband, she immediately started planning and took off on another extended field research project, this time to the elaborate civilization of Bali.  They spent much time in the mountain community of Bajoeng Gede.  Again, her motivating question was how culture influences child development.  Mead and Bateson were imaginative thinkers and innovative researchers and they were determined to try to capture in something approaching the scientific those subtle aspects of communication and socialization that artists were able to represent but which social scientists had more trouble rendering.  To this end, they experimented with combining field observations and interviews with photography.  Bateson shot over 22,000 feet of 16mm film and 25,000 still photographs.  It is an unparalleled archive, which they themselves never fully exploited, nor have others since (though a monograph of their photographs appeared in 2000).

 

Their general thesis was that the central orientation of Balinese society was just that, "orientation in time, space, and status" (1942:11).  Everyone had a place in local society and knew that place, as it was expressed in space (the superior person slept on the higher, inland side of the inferior person), vertical elevation (higher chairs for higher status individuals), language (using honorific polished language), posture and gesture.

 

This sense of position was instilled from birth: "When the Balinese baby is born, the midwife, even at the moment of lifting him in her arms, will put words in his mouth, commenting, 'I am just a poor new-born baby, and I don't know how to talk properly, but I am very grateful to you, honorable people, who have entered this pig sty of a house to see me.'  And from that moment, all through babyhood, the child is fitted into a frame of behavior, of imputed speech and imputed thought and complex gesture, far beyond his skills and maturity." (1942:13)  This imputation was largely non-verbal, and this is what the photographs and movies were intended to capture.

 

Mead's only child, Mary Catherine Bateson, was born in 1939, just after their return from Bali.  Mead sought out Dr. Benjamin Spock as pediatrician because he had been psychoanalyzed.  She designed her child rearing and extensively documented Mary Catherine's childhood behavior and development.  Mary Catherine was breast-fed and demand-fed; Mead figured out her feeding patterns, and organized her work schedule around it.  Dr. Spock was impressed and influenced by this, and as his own writings influenced millions of postwar baby-boom families, Mead's preferences became national tendencies!

 

When the war broke out, Mead was sent by the US government to Great Britain to study misunderstandings over presence and behavior of US troops.  Why, in particular, did US GIs and British women see each other as "immoral"? [If time, we should consider more broadly the contributions of anthropologists in the war effort, contrasting WWI and Vietnam].

 

Mead divorced Bateson after war, and returned to Manus to study the effects of the war.  After her first trip, she always worked together, and this time brought Ted Swartz and others.  She made a total of seven field trips to Manus, the last in 1975 (note the video's lingering conclusion on her final farewell and response of islanders to her death).  That is, this speaks to another of Mead's emphases, on what came to be called "applied anthropology"—the effects of rapid change on "traditional peoples" and the resulting challenge to their "culture." In one of her final essays, she wrote:

 

"National states are closing their doors to anthropologists, the jungle is being bulldozed and roads are being built through the Kalahari Desert and the Ituri Forest.  However much an anthropologist may be interested in exploring or demonstrating some point which has arisen in the course of conventional experimental work in psychology [NB: she was writing for a collection on psychological anthropology], he or she will in the end, I believe, do better to accept conditions as they come, learn to use every possibility within a given field context, make do and mend with givens, rather than spending months looking for perfect sites, different sized populations or predetermined contrasts." (1978:90)

 

This is quoted by Nancy Scheper-Hughes (1987:452), who understands Mead's vision of the anthropologist as culture broker, "as a mediator between the collision of cultures and the clash of interpretations."

 

 

V.  Mead, Boas, and the trajectories of American anthropology

 

Where, then, does Mead fit into the development of American anthropology?  There are many who argue for an enormous distance between Boas and Mead.  Compare, for instance, their prose styles and strategies.  There is an apparent chasm between Boas's text-driven description and Mead's much more breezy, generalizing, and psychological style.  Richard Fox (1991:106) sees an early phase of Boasian culture history replaced by Mead/Benedict cultural psychology, which depended on a synchronic integration of culture.  [His chapter begins with the debates among Boasians about this culture history and how much real history it should include.]

 

However, in many ways Boas and Mead shared essential features:

 

1.  They both begin from a premise of the cultural basis of behavioral variations: they were cultural relativists, not cultural determinists

 

As with Boas, however, Mead's psycho/biological baseline seems endlessly malleable.  "Each primitive people has selected one set of human gifts, one set of human values, and fashioned for themselves an art, a social organization, a religion, which is their unique contribution to the history of the human spirit" (1928:25)

 

2.  They were both public advocates for anthropology and for using anthropology to address their own society's problems.  The ultimate aim was "anthropology as cultural critique."  For Boas, anthropology had to attack racism, the race concept, and eugenics; for Mead, its duty was to combat universalistic psychologizing.

 

One of Mead's biographers, Jane Howard, quotes a letter of Marvin Harris, who argued that Mead's greatest accomplishment was to make people aware of cultural differences.  "[T]hat success had great historical effect," Harris wrote.  "If the public in America today is less parochial and ethnocentric than it was when the Immigration Act was passed, sixty years ago; if Americans are now more self-critical about their prejudices and practices--and one has to say 'if' because it is not yet certain if the changes are irreversible--we owe those improvements to Margaret Mead's efforts more than to anything else."

 

Still, the extreme relativism of Boas and Mead raised serious questions.  Can extreme relativism permit drawing lessons from culture A to culture B?  And does "cultural" relativism entail "moral relativism"?

 

3.  Boas and Mead also shared a focus on cultures in the plural rather than an interest in elaborating an analytical conception of Culture.

 

4.  Finally, they were both fascinated by a culture's configuration, its integrative pattern:

 

Mead simply took Boas to a logical extension.  Boas studied a culture in regional historical context to see how it emerged as a distinctive entity;  Mead studied the socialization of individuals to see/show how their society maintained and reproduced its distinctiveness.  With Mead, such a culture concept was put together with the "personality" concept from psychology (especially Freudian psychology).  The search for patterns became more interior in seeking for the psychological patterns shaping culture.  The transmission of culture became intriguing and problematic.  Socialization or enculturation became the mediating concept, and was roughly parallel to ritual in British structural-functionalism.  In this, Mead was influenced by both Abraham Kardiner and Ruth Benedict.

 

Note that here we have the puzzle of Mead's rhetoric.  She emphasizes the simplicity of small non-Western societies; she writes, for instance, in Sex and Temperament that "here we have the drama of civilization writ small, a social microcosm alike in kind, but different in size and magnitude, from the complex social structures of people who, like our own, depend upon a written tradition and upon the integration of a great number of conflicting historical traditions."  The puzzle is just how these societies can be "simpler" than ours, but equally "complex"?

 

This is not to exaggerate the similarities between the two.  Consider Mead's chosen role as spokesperson for and popularizer of the discipline to mainstream America (and the criticisms of her colleagues that she was not an original thinker or theorist).  Mead did choose an opposite career location from Boas.  Whereas Boas gave up his museum primary appointment to locate himself and anthropology within the university department, Mead returned to the museum—indeed, Boas's museum, the American Museum of Natural History!—and from her tower office engaged a far wider canvas than Boas.  She lectured and testified and discussed and counseled and refused to be contained by the structures of the academic calendar and the obligations of university professors.  This was to cause her no little ill-feeling among her peers, who were suspicious of her popularizing.

 

Stephen Toulmin expresses a common judgment: "For her ideas Mead relied largely on teachers and colleagues like Franz Boas, Ruth Benedict, and Gregory Bateson.  Historians will not celebrate her for any important new conceptions of her own.  She never did as much for the improvement of the human sciences as she did for their advancement;  and that, after all, is what she herself had aimed for.  She was the Bacon of anthropology, not the Newton.  As a public speaker, as an active participant in the AAAS, as an impresario of countless stimulating public conferences, she threw herself into the task of opening America's eyes to the diversity of cultures, and everything else that followed from that momentous fact."  [in his short piece on "The Evolution of Margaret Mead," NYRB c. 1984].

 

E-P was more caustic, dismissing Mead's writing as belonging to the "rustling-of-the-wind-in-the-palm-trees school" (Social Anthropology, p. 96; see also Behar 1993:311)!  This unsympathetic view was certainly the judgment that I was taught in graduate school in the 1970s, but I have come to a more rounded appreciation of Mead's contributions in American anthropology.  In particular, I think she had a rather more subtle view of the relationship of individual and culture than she is sometimes given credit for.  "Culture is not just the individual writ large"; culture shapes the infant and child in common but particular ways.  Humans learn to be humans through and within a culture, but humans of very distinctive sorts.  The interaction of culture and individual is a dynamic and mutual process.  Jerry Moore sums up Mead's place among the central Boasian thematic:

 

"Like her colleagues Kroeber, Benedict, and Sapir, Mead attempted to discover what it was that made cultures distinctive but coherent.  How is it that human societies can be so incredibly different, not just on the surface but at their very cores, and yet within a particular society there can be such unanimity as to values and practices?  For the Victorian evolutionists, the answer was easy:  societies were so different because they represented stages in the 'nearly uniform channels' of human progress.  The Boasian critique demolished that easy answer, yet put nothing in its place; the best Boas could suggest was to keep collecting good ethnographic data and some day, perhaps, the laws of human culture would be evident.

 

"But that apparently did not satisfy Boas' students, at least not Kroeber, Sapir, Benedict, and Mead.  Each sought a different way to explain the coherency of culture: Kroeber turned to the superorganic, Benedict to the core values of culture, Sapir and Whorf to the conceptual categories embedded in language, and Margaret Mead to the processes of human development: the way an infant is bathed, the shared intimacies of husband and wife, or the small gestures that teach a child its place in the world." (Moore 1996:110)

 

 

VI.  Defrocking a saint: the Mead-Freeman controversies

 

A.  Derek Freeman's attacks on Coming of Age in Samoa

 

We are here dealing with one of the most spectacular events of the intellectual history of the 20th century.  Margaret Mead, as we know, was grossly hoaxed by her Samoan informants, and Mead in her turn, by convincing others of the 'genuineness' of her account of Samoa, completely misinformed, and misled virtually the entire anthropological establishment, as well as the intelligentsia at largec That a Polynesian prank should have produced such a result in centers of higher learning throughout the Western world is deeply comic.  But behind the comedy there is a chastening reality.  It is now apparent that for decade after decade in countless textbooks, and in university and college lecture rooms throughout the Western world, students were misinformed about an issue of fundamental importance, by professors who by placing credence in Mead's conclusion of 1928 had themselves become cognitively deluded.  Never can giggly fibs have had such far-reaching consequences in the groves of Academe. (Derek Freeman, "Paradigms in Collision," Skeptic 5(3):68 [1997])

 

The continuing attack by Derek Freeman on Mead's Samoan research is actually only one--albeit the most sustained and divisive--of a number of controversies in post-Boasian American anthropology that have been prompted by restudies. See, for instance, the final sections of George Stocking's essay on "The Ethnographic Sensibilities of the 1920s," where he relates how all three of his Apollonian exemplars came under attack. Ruth Benedict's Zuni work was roundly criticized in restudies by Ester Goldfrank, Li An-che, and John W. Bennett (Stocking 319-321);  Robert Redfield's Tepotzlan village was restudied by Oscar Lewis (ibid. 322-325), who painted a very different picture of local social relations and community ethos; and Margaret Mead's first fieldwork on Samoa was the last to draw fire, from Freeman (ibid.: 325-341).  [Note too that other ethnographic exemplars have also generated contentious restudies, including the Yanomamö and the !Kung San.]

 

Derek Freeman, a New Zealander, had worked in Western (British) Samoa from 1939-1943 and again in 1965-1967.  He had begun anthropology with Raymond Firth at LSE after the war; he fell out with Firth and switched to Cambridge and worked with Meyer Fortes.  He took his Ph.D. in 1953 with work on the Iban in Borneo.  By 1955 he had a position at Australian National University (see Appell and Madan 1988).  As Stocking details (1992:327), Freeman underwent something of an intellectual conversion in the early 1960s towards a "naturalistic" view of anthropological science, embracing Karl Popper, studying ethology under Konrad Lorenz and undertaking a year's training at London Institute of Psychoanalysis.  He rejected cultural determinism.

 

Rereading Mead on his way home from London to Australia in 1964, he realized the depth of his disagreement with her anti-biological reasoning and decided to reexamine her evidence.  He went back to his site in 1965 and to Tu'a in 1967.  Stocking notes that Freeman submitted a proposal in 1971, but decided on further research in light of sharply negative reactions from reviewers.  He sent Mead one of his papers in 1978, but she was already in her final illness; after her death, he says he decided to wait "a decent interval" (and for further documents from the American Samoa archives) before sending off the manuscript.  [Note that George Stocking was a reviewer of Freeman's book manuscript for Harvard University Press.]

 

Freeman charged that Mead had been naive in ignoring the local political situation and in thinking she had found a "tropical Eden"; she was methodologically incompetent in having poor Samoan language ability and in limiting her interviewing to adolescent females; and she was theoretically dishonest in going with a prior commitment to "refuting biological explanations of human behavior and vindicating the doctrines of the Boasian school" (1983:282).  Consequently she ignored evidence that ran counter to her pre-conceived aims.

 

Freeman charged, thus, that Mead was ethnographically wrong. Samoans were highly competitive for status, aggressive in personal relations, brittle, sexually hung-up, and strongly passionate.  Children were subject to strict discipline. They emphasized a cult of virginity, not sexual permissiveness; combined with male aggressiveness, this produced one of the world's highest incidences of rape.  And theoretically, Freeman emphasized what he claimed Mead had downplayed—the biological factors underlying human behavior

 

Many aspects of this spat are highly charged.  Freeman was, and remains, blunt and vitriolic, but he published his book only after Mead had died (although he had had the materials since at least the 1960s).  There is some irony in the defense of anthropology's most well-known and, to the public, most beloved figure by a discipline that had itself long regarded her with much ambivalence.  Moreover, Freeman's book came out during a decade of nervous self-reflection about a crisis of ethnography and representation—and at a time in which sociobiology was making inroads in anthropology.  Thus it is difficult to separate the personalities and conduct of the debate; the questions about research design and fieldwork competence; and the theoretical issues of biology and culture.

 

 

B. Who is right?

 

The debate of the merits of Freeman's case has been heated and convoluted, and there is no consensus view within the discipline.  There are now at least two thick readers that reprint papers on the controversy.  Nancy Scheper-Hughes, to take just one of the tens of anthropologists who have weighed in, has observed that Freeman was wrong in attributing Mead's principal influence as Boas—e.g., his insinuation that she "needed" to please her fatherly mentor.  Benedict, she feels, was a much more powerful mentor.

 

In a sense, though, she thinks they're both are right—about Samoa.  She cites another ethnographer of Samoa, Bradd Shore, on the contradictory tendencies of Samoan culture, the "mysteries" as he puts it, by which there can be a strong cult of virginity, which nonetheless many adolescents reject and avoid.  He also suggests a "temporal double-standard," a formal daytime morality and a more free-wheeling nighttime morality, suggesting a distinction between public ideology and private belief.  We can expect these differing results as a function of the ethnographer's position.  Freeman went as an older male and primarily talked to the chiefs, Mead as a young unmarried woman.

 

Scheper-Hughes also thinks that the weight of scholarly opinion finds Freeman more right about Samoan aggression and Mead more correct about Samoan sexuality.   Perhaps, S-H suggests, both Mead and Freeman err in presuming that culture must be about one tendency, a single ethos, under which all aspects of "Samoan" culture must fit into a single tight pattern.  [The difference is that Mead later realized that-and also gave up talk about hypothesis testing and societies as laboratories, but Freeman still insists on an either/or and on anthropology as positivistic science.]

 

Mead resisted later requests (from Americans and Samoans alike) to do a restudy (see her 1973 Preface).  I suspect this was due to her ongoing commitment to Manus and to her knowledge that with Holmes and Freeman, any restudy was bound to be caught up in controversy, with the object/subjects themselves lost in the fray.

 

The controversy will not end soon.  In the fall of 1998, Freeman published a second book of charges that both revises and extends his earlier volume.  If time, I'll talk some about this new line of argument.